Sunday, June 10, 2012

Rebels battle in Assad stronghold

Rebels battle in Assad stronghold

By DIAA HADID and BASSEM MROUE

Associated Press

BEIRUT — Bullets and shrapnel shells smashed into homes in the Syrian capital of Damascus overnight as troops battled rebels in the streets, a show of boldness for rebels taking their fight against President Bashar Assad to the center of his power.

For nearly 12 hours of fighting that lasted into the early hours Saturday, rebels armed mainly with assault rifles fought Syrian forces in the heaviest fighting in the Assad stronghold since the 15-month-old uprising began. U.N. observers said rebels fired a rocket-propelled grenade at the local power plant, damaging parts of it and reducing six buses to charred shells, according to video the observers took of the scene.

Syrian forces showed the regime's willingness to unleash such firepower in the capital: At least three tank shells slammed into residential areas in the central Damascus neighborhood of Qaboun, an activist said. Intense exchanges of assault-rifle fire marked the clash, according to residents and amateur video posted online.

At least 52 civilians were killed around the country outside Damascus on Saturday, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britain-based activist group. Among them were 20, including nine women and children, who died in heavy, pre-dawn shelling in the southern city of Daraa, where the uprising against Assad began in March 2011. Six children were among 10 killed by a shell that exploded in a house they took cover in during fierce fighting in the coastal region of Latakia, the group said.

The group's figures could not be independently confirmed.

In a Daraa mosque, a father stood over his son killed in the shelling, swaddled in a blanket in a hooded sweater, amateur video showed. "I will become a suicide bomber!" the father shouted in grief.

Another video showed tens of thousands of Daraa residents burying their slain victims later Saturday — singing, dancing and parading the dead in coffins around a large square and giving the mass funeral the appearance of a mass wedding party.

The Damascus violence was a dramatic shift; the capital has been relatively quiet compared with other Syrian cities throughout the uprising. Damascus and the northern city of Aleppo, the country's largest, are under the firm grip of security forces.

The rebels' brazenness in the Damascus districts underscored deep-seated Sunni anger against the regime, with residents risking their safety — and potentially their lives — to shelter the fighters. Residents burned tires to block the advance of Syrian troops, sending plumes of smoke into the air, amateur video showed.

Urban Sunni Syrians had once mostly stayed at arms' length from their mostly rural compatriots leading the uprising, fearing the instability that their leaderless, chaotic movement would bring.

But it appears a series of massacres of mainly Sunni peasants over the past few weeks have tipped some of their urban brethren in favor of the uprising. One rebel supporter in Qaboun said the recent mass killings made people see rebel fighters more as protectors against Assad's forces.

"The regime has forced the rebels into the city. When they commit attacks, or massacres, or arrests, they come in to defend residents," he said.

The most recent mass killing was on Wednesday in central Syria, where activists say up to 78 people were hacked, burned and stabbed in the farming village of Mazraat al-Qubair. The opposition and regime have traded blame over the slayings.

"The heart of this revolt is the poor, jobless youth in the countryside. But that is gathering strength in other places, in Aleppo, in Damascus and even the Kurdish regions," said Syria expert Joshua Landis.

"The psychological state of the people, after watching these massacres, is so far advanced. People are ready to do whatever it takes. They are frightened; it could come next to them."

The fighting began in two neighborhoods, Qaboun and Barzeh, during the day Friday, when troops opened fire on anti-Assad opposition gatherings and rebels responded, witnesses said. Blasts shook the districts until about 1:30 a.m. on Saturday. In the fringe neighborhood of Kfar Souseh, fighting began after rebels attacked a Syrian forces checkpoint.

At least five people were killed in Qaboun, according to an activist video that showed the bodies.

Also Saturday, troops shelled parts of the central city of Homs, one of the main battlegrounds of the uprising, and stormed into the city's posh neighborhood of Ghouta, conducting raids.

The latest escalations are another blow to international envoy Kofi Annan's peace plan, which aims to end the country's bloodletting. Annan brokered a cease-fire that went into effect on April 12 but has since been violated nearly every day since.

Thousands have been killed since the crisis began in March last year. The U.N.'s latest estimate is 9,000 dead, but that is from April and it has been unable to update it. Syrian activists put the toll at more than 13,000.

Also Saturday, the foreign minister of Assad's ally Russia said Moscow would continue to oppose the outside use of force, despite its growing concerns about the Syria conflict. Sergey Lavrov called for an international conference to galvanize commitment behind Annan's plan.

Efforts by Western and Arab nations to help the opposition have been hampered by fragmentation amid the movement. The main opposition movement, the Syrian National Council, has been plagued by infighting.

The council was gathering Saturday in Turkey to elect a new leader nearly three weeks after its Paris-based president Burhan Ghalioun offered to step down over mounting criticism of his leadership. The vote had been expected late Saturday, but was postponed to Sunday with no immediate explanation.

The frontrunner to replace him was Abdulbaset Sieda, a member of Syria's minority Kurd community, SNC spokeswoman Basma Kodmani told Associated Press Television.

His elevation to the post could be part of an attempt to appeal to Syria's significant Kurdish minority, which has largely stayed on the sidelines of the uprising. The community is deeply suspicious that Sunni Arabs who dominate the opposition will be no more likely to provide them greater rights than Assad's regime has.

Also Saturday, U.N. observers in Syria to monitor the cease-fire issued the first independent video images from the scene of the reported massacre in Mazraat al-Qubair.

The video, taken in the U.N. visit a day earlier, showed blood splashed on a wall pockmarked with bullet holes and soaking a nearby mattress. A shell punched through one wall of a house. Another home was burnt on the inside with dried blood was splashed on floors.

One man wearing a red-and-white checked scarf to cover his face, pointed at a 2008 calendar adorning a wall, bearing the photo of a lightly-bearded, handsome man.

"This is the martyr," the resident, sobbing. He sat on the floor, amid strewn colorful blankets, heaving with tears.

It was not immediately clear if he was a resident of the village or related to the man in the photograph.

"They killed children," said another unidentified resident. "My brother, his wife and their seven children, the oldest was in the sixth grade. They burnt down his house."

———
Associated Press writer Selcan Hacaoglu contributed to this report from Ankara, Turkey.

Saturday, June 9, 2012

Israel to decide on settlement university

Israel to decide on settlement university
By DIAA HADID
Associated Press

JERUSALEM -- In the fraught atmosphere of the Israeli-occupied West Bank, an approaching decision on whether to award coveted university status to a college has taken on powerful political overtones.

For critics of Israel's policy of settling Jews in the West Bank, the upgrade of the "Ariel University Center of Samaria" into a permanent university would be a strong signal of what they say is creeping annexation of the hilly territory.

For its supporters, upgrading the institution will be a crowning jewel of the government's commitment to holding the West Bank, the heartland of biblical Judaism, captured by Israel along with east Jerusalem in the 1967 war.

"Most dramatically, this has a symbolic significance that no settlement has," said political scientist Yaron Ezrahi of Hebrew University. "It's an attempt to legitimize the occupation."

Of Israel's more than 120 Jewish settlements, Ariel holds special significance.

With 19,000 people, it is one of the largest settlements built on occupied territory claimed by the Palestinians. Positioned deep in the West Bank, its removal is seen as essential to the viability of a future Palestinian state, since annexing it to Israel would also take a significant wedge of land with it to connect with Israel proper.

But its huge population and developed infrastructure, including a theater, sports complex and four-lane highway, would make it extraordinarily difficult to uproot. An upgrade to the college would give a symbolic depth to the feeling of permanence.

"Ariel is here to stay. There's no reason to treat it differently from Tel Aviv," said settler leader Naftali Bennett. "Long ago, it should have become a university."

A government committee headed by the education minister is expected to decide next month on the upgrade.

The Ariel institution has operated for 30 years in some form, ultimately growing into a college of some 12,500 students. It is open to all Israeli citizens, including Arabs. But like other Israeli universities, it is closed to the 2.5 million Palestinians in the West Bank.

The school was given temporary university status five years ago, according to school officials, with a July 15, 2012, deadline to make a decision on giving it permanent recognition. In the meantime, its faculty was tasked with proving that it could produce university-worthy education.

Permanent status would give the institution access to additional state funding and allow more collaborative work with other Israeli universities. Most critically, though, it would be a symbolic victory in the school's struggle for recognition.

Israel Education Minister Gideon Saar favors the upgrade, according to his spokeswoman, Lital Apter-Yotzer. She said he would support the application as long as it meets academic requirements and doesn't take away existing funding for the country's other universities.

"From the academic point of view, we are eligible to get permanent status as a university," Yigal Cohen-Orgad, the school's dean, said proudly.

But the decision will not rest on academic considerations alone: An upgrade would likely trigger international condemnations and enrage the Palestinians.

Most of the international community considers the settlements illegitimate and a chief obstacle to Palestinian statehood.

"Any step of this kind would be a further consolidation of illegal settlements," said Palestinian spokesman Ghassan Khatib.

Settlements are at the heart of the current impasse in Mideast peace efforts. Talks broke down more than three years ago, and the Palestinians have refused to return to negotiations while Israel continues expanding its settlements. More than 500,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, claimed by the Palestinians.

Joining Israeli academia would put the Ariel school in some prominent company. All but one of Israel's eight universities rank in the world's top 500, according to the Academic Ranking of World Universities, a respected ranking service.

But some, including professors at other Israeli universities, fear it will tarnish Israeli academia and perhaps jeopardize international funding, staff and research exchanges.

Pro-Palestinian activists say if the institution is recognized, they will push harder than ever for a boycott of Israeli academia by firmly demonstrating links between the country's military occupation and academia.

The symbolism of a university, the activists say, is more powerful than a mere college.

"It will open the doors even more widely to the general boycott of Israel and all its institutions that are part of its system of oppression," said Omar Bargouti, a Palestinian activist in the global movement to promote boycotts and sanctions against Israel.

The movement's chief concrete success so far was to influence the University of Johannesburg in South Africa to cut its institutional agreements to Israel's Ben Gurion University in March 2011. It has also promoted boycott debates onto Western campuses.

A petition condemning the upgrade plans drew some 1,000 signatures from Israeli academics, said Nir Gov, associate professor of chemical physics at Israel's Weizmann Institute of Science, and a sharp critic of Israel's policies against Palestinians.

Academics fear tens of millions of dollars of European and U.S. research grants might be at stake if they are compelled to work with a future Ariel University.

They cite the case of Israeli theater companies that were forced to perform in Ariel's year-old theater. At that time, hundreds of artists protested against the move, saying they did not agree with Israel's settlement policy. The culture minister responded by threatening to cut the funds of any theater company that did not comply.

The European Union will not fund projects based out of West Bank settlements, said EU spokesman David Kriss. A U.S. spokesperson did not comment.

Even if there is no official boycott, Israeli academics may be less likely to be accepted at international conferences, their scholarly articles could be rejected, and so could their applications for sabbaticals in prestigious universities abroad, said Menahem Klein, political science professor at Bar Ilan University.

"Of course it will not happen overnight," Klein said. "It might take a few years, but ... it may lead to very bad consequences for Israeli universities. This will make a connection between academia and occupation."

Monday, June 4, 2012

Israel Airport Email Searches Inspect Suspected Pro-Palestinian Activity

Israel Airport Email Searches Inspect Suspected Pro-Palestinian Activity
By JOSEF FEDERMAN and DIAA HADID 

JERUSALEM -- When Sandra Tamari arrived at Israel's international airport, she received an unusual request: A security agent pushed a computer screen in front of her, connected to Gmail and told her to "log in."

The agent, suspecting Tamari was involved in pro-Palestinian activism, wanted to inspect her private email account for incriminating evidence. The 42-year-old American of Palestinian descent refused and was swiftly expelled from the country.

Tamari's experience is not unique. In a cyber-age twist on Israel's vaunted history of airport security, the country has begun to force incoming travelers deemed suspicious to open personal email accounts for inspection, visitors say.

Targeting mainly Muslims or Arabs, the practice appears to be aimed at rooting out visitors who have histories of pro-Palestinian activism, and in recent weeks, has led to the expulsion of at least three American women.

It remains unclear how widespread the practice is.

However, asked about Tamari's claims, the Shin Bet security agency confirmed she had been interrogated and said its agents acted in accordance with the law.

Israel has a long history of using ethnic profiling, calling it a necessary evil resulting from its bitter experience with terrorist attacks. Arab travelers and anyone else seen as a risk are often subjected to intense questioning and invasive inspections, including strip searches.

The security procedures appear to be getting stricter: Recent searches of journalists at official events have been invasive enough to create a series of mini-uproars and walkouts – a situation that has dovetailed with increasing concerns that the government is trying to stifle dissent.

Diana Butto, a former legal adviser to the Palestinian Authority and a fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, said the policy of email checks, once used sporadically, appears to have become more widespread over the past year.

Butto said she has led three tour groups to the region over the past year, and in each case, at least one member of the group was asked to open their email. She said Muslims, Arabs and Indians were typically targeted, and in most cases, were denied entry.

Butto said agents typically want to see people's itineraries, articles they have written or Facebook status updates.

"The problem is there's no way to honestly say you're coming to visit the West Bank without falling into some type of security trap," she said. "Either you lie and risk being caught in a lie, or you tell the truth ... and it's not clear whether you'll be allowed in."

Tamari, who is from St. Louis, said she arrived in Israel on May 21 to participate in an interfaith conference. She described herself as a Quaker peace activist and acknowledged taking part in campaigns calling for boycotts and divestment from Israel.

Given her activism, Tamari said she expected some security delays. But she was caught off guard by the order to open her email account. She said the agents discovered her address while rifling through her personal papers.

"That's when they turned their (computer) screens around to me and said, 'Log in," she said. When she refused, an interrogator said, "'Well you must be a terrorist. You are hiding something.'"

Tamari said she was searched, placed in a holding cell and flown back to the U.S. the following day. "The idea that somebody my age, a Quaker, on a peace delegation with folks from the U.S., would be denied entry – that never crossed my mind," she said.

Najwa Doughman, a 25-year-old Palestinian American from New York City, said she underwent a similar experience when she arrived for a one-week vacation on May 26.

A female interrogator ordered Doughman to open her Gmail account, threatening she would be deported if she didn't.

"She typed in gmail.com and she turned the keyboard toward me and said, 'Log in. Log in now,'" Doughman recounted. "I asked, 'Is this legal?' She said, 'Log in.'"

She said the agent searched for keywords like "West Bank" and "Palestine" and made fun of a chat in which Doughman talked of reading graffiti on Israel's West Bank separation barrier.

"After she read a bunch of stuff, humiliating and mocking me, I said, 'I think you've read enough,'" Doughman said, adding that agents jotted down names and emails of her friends as they inspected her chat history.

Doughman's traveling companion, Sasha Al-Sarabi, said agents pulled her aside and checked out her Facebook page.

Both women said they were approached because of their Arab family names, and were repeatedly asked about the nature of their visit, and whether they planned to go to the West Bank and participate in anti-Israel demonstrations.

While acknowledging she belonged to Palestinian activist groups when she was in college, Doughman said she insisted the one-week visit was purely for a vacation.

"The interrogator asked me, 'Do you feel more Arab or more American? ... Surely you must feel more Arab," Doughman said. "I told her I was born in the U.S. and studied there, but she didn't like my answer."

After hours of questioning, both women were told they would not be allowed in. They said they were subjected to strip searches, placed in a detention center and sent back to the U.S. the following day. Doughman said they weren't allowed to call the U.S. Embassy.

American Embassy spokesman Kurt Hoyer said the embassy does not comment on specific cases. But he said the embassy is "usually" contacted whenever an American citizen is not allowed to enter Israel, or any other country.

The embassy typically remains in contact with local authorities throughout the process until a decision on entry is made.

He said the U.S. stresses to all governments "to treat American passport holders as Americans, regardless of their ethnic origin ... At the same time, any sovereign nation has the right to decide who to let in, and not to let in."

Israel has become increasingly strict following a series of run-ins with international activists in recent years, highlighted by a deadly clash two years ago between Israeli naval commandos and a flotilla trying to break Israel's naval blockade of the Gaza Strip. Both sides accused the other of provoking the violence in which nine Turkish activists were killed.

Since then, Israel has prevented international activists from arriving on similar flotillas as well as a pair of "fly-ins" by pro-Palestinian activists. Israeli officials acknowledge they used social media accounts, such as Facebook and Twitter, to identify activists ahead of time and prevent them from boarding flights to Israel.

Emanuel Gross, a law professor at Haifa University, said such a practice would seem to be illegal in Israel.

"In Israel, you need a search warrant to go into somebody's computer," he said. "I'm skeptical that the security guards asked a judge first for a warrant and I'm skeptical that a judge would give it."

Saturday, June 2, 2012

Defying church ban, Egyptian Christians defy church ban and travel to Jerusalem

April 13, 2012

Defying church ban, Egyptian Christians defy church ban and travel to Jerusalem
By DIAA HADID
Associated Press

JERUSALEM (AP) _ After the death of their spiritual leader, more than
2,000 Egyptian Copts have poured into the Holy Land for the Easter
holidays, defying a ban he imposed on visiting Jerusalem and other
Israeli-controlled areas.

The influx _ after decades when Egyptian pilgrims were a rarity _ adds
a new element to the already diverse mix of languages and faiths in
Jerusalem's Old City during the holy season. The pilgrims are clearly
distinguished by the Egyptian accent of their Arabic and long cotton
robes worn by many of the men.

"It's the most beautiful thing in the world to see light of the
Messiah. We have dreamed of this for a long time," said Halim Farag,
60, in the plaza outside the cavernous Church of the Holy Sepulcher,
built on the site where Christians believe Jesus was crucified and
resurrected.

Farag, his sister and his wife paid $860 each for their five-day trip
_ money they scraped together over a year of saving and borrowing.
They will stay for Coptic Easter, which is Sunday, following the
Orthodox calendar used by some Eastern churches.

For many Copts, visiting the Holy Land, and Jerusalem in particular,
is one of the most meaningful acts of faith they can perform. Some
liken it to the pilgrimage to Mecca that Muslims are obligated to make
at least once in their lives if they can.

But for the past three decades, very few Copts have made the journey
because of the ban by Pope Shenouda III. Shenouda imposed the ban to
protest Egypt's 1979 peace agreement with Israel, saying Christians
shouldn't visit Israel until it makes peace with the Palestinians.
Shenouda was also upset over a custody dispute with the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church over a rooftop monastery at the Church of the Holy
Sepulcher. That dispute remains unresolved.

Small groups of Copts have always defied the ban. But following
Shenouda's death in late March at the age of 88, there has been a
clear spike. The ban remains in place, but the visitors said they
believed this was their chance.

"There is nothing more beautiful than to visit the holy sites. This is
a pilgrimage that shouldn't tied to politics," said a 62-year-old
pilgrim who would only identify herself by her first name, Samia,
because she was worried about punishment from the Church.

Another woman said the pilgrimage is "a dream for all of us" but
admitted she was concerned over the repercussions, both from the
Coptic Church and the Egyptian public, who largely reject any
normalization of ties with Israel.

"You don't know what they will do to us when we come back _ especially
after they see what numbers we came in," said the woman, wearing a
knee-length black skirt and black shirt.

The Copts, mostly middle-aged or senior citizens, have been busy
milling around the Holy Sepulcher throughout the week. They have
trundled to Bethlehem's Church of the Nativity, built on the site
where they believe Jesus was born. They have shopped and haggled on
the way, charming many Palestinians with their

Egyptian accents and humor, made familiar throughout the Arab world
through generations of popular Egyptian movies and soap operas.

A Palestinian tour guide who works with the Coptic community said most
in the wave of pilgrims "are old, and they want to visit at least once
in their life."

"They revolted against the pope's decision," said the guide, who like
the woman spoke on condition of anonymity to avoid problems with the
Church.

The precise number of visitors is hard to measure. A Coptic church
official estimated the number of visitors from the community this year
is at least double last year's, an assessment that was echoed by the
tour guide.

In an indication of the strong growth, an Egyptian airport official
said about 650 Copts have flown to Israel this holiday season,
compared with 150 in past years.

The official spoke on condition of anonymity because of Egyptian
security rules. Many other pilgrims enter Israel through its land
crossing with Egypt.

The Israeli Interior Ministry said 2,500 Egyptians entered the country
during the first 10 days of April, but had no further figures or
comparisons from the previous year.

April is one of the busiest tourist seasons, drawing an estimated
225,000 Christian visitors from around the world, according to the
Israeli Tourism Ministry.

Israel captured east Jerusalem, home to the city's most sensitive
Christian, Jewish and Muslim holy sites, in the 1967 Mideast war and
its annexation of the area has never been internationally recognized.
Israel also controls borders into the West Bank, where the biblical
town of Bethlehem is located. Other sites, like the city of Nazareth,
are in Israel proper.

The Coptic Church has not yet named a successor to Shenouda, and it
remains unclear how strictly the next leader will enforce the ban.

Pilgrims face being denied the sacrament when they return home to
Egypt, said Father Antonious al-Urashalimi, secretary of the Coptic
Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. He said the Church would decide on
an individual basis whether to impose punishments. Those not
considered elderly could be banned from the sacrament for six months
to a year.

The punishment is hefty for Coptic believers, who say it is equivalent
to being denied union with Christ through eating the bread and
drinking the wine symbolizing his body and blood.

The flow of Copts to the Holy Land could also bring a backlash back
home in Egypt, where Copts make up about 10 percent of the 85 million
population.
The 33-year-old peace between Israel and Egypt has never been warm.
The few Egyptians who do make the journey to Israel are often viewed
with suspicion back home. Already, one newspaper article in a
pro-government newspaper has reported on the visits to Jerusalem in
what the pilgrims felt were dark undertones.

Few expect violence against Copts in Egypt to rise because of these
visits. But Copts said they feared their visit would be used as
propaganda by hard-line Islamists or others trying to portray them as
disloyal.

"They want to show that the Copts aren't nationalists," al-Urashalimi
said. "We hope God will enlighten those minds, those people who say
this is the root of treason, because we are Egyptian nationalists who
have sacrificed many things for our homeland."
___
Associated Press writer Sarah El Deeb contributed to this report from Cairo.